I must admit, I admire Morozov - genuinely. He’s a man after my own heart; showing a proclivity for unfounded scandal and conspiracy mixed with an insatiable desire to be annoyingly profound, infuriatingly provocative and intentionally controversial. I was tempted to add “for the sake of it” to the end of that sentence, but I feel I would be doing him a disservice. Unlike when I indulge in my favourite pastime of playing devils advocate because I’m bored or just fancy being irritating, the magnitude of Morozov’s argument and the wonderfully eloquent manner in which it’s constructed deserves more than a “fuck off, Toby”, which is what I usually get. This is serious stuff.
Morozov’s polemical prose must be commended for its originality. In a sea of social media and internet literature that promises an enlightened age of democracy, liberalism and justice, it would have been easy to jump on the bandwagon. Morozov is a rare breed in this field, one of the few that believes the hype surrounding the internet and the perceived, positive impact it imparts on a global scale is, simply put, a delusion.
Morozov coins the term ‘cyber-utopian’ to describe the West’s inflated sense of self-righteousness towards the power of the internet. The idea that this phenomenon will break the shackles of populations oppressed by totalitarian regimes, helping forge a new-age world that is rife with democracy is largely dismissed by Morozov. Instead he cites the 2009 ‘Twitter Revolution’ in Iran. “Let the people tweet and they will tweet their way to freedom.” Morozov thinks not, rather, conversely, he focuses on the empowerment the Iranian government experienced courtesy of the internet. In essence, the very tool that people were using to try and liberate themselves was now being used by the government to achieve the opposite. The deployment by the Iranian government of a twelve-man cybercrime team tasked with ridding Iran of those spreading “insults and lies” on websites was initiated. Those spreading this information were quickly hunted down and arrested. The team would trawl through social networking sites such as Facebook and YouTube, seeking the faces of those involved in protests, and there was no shortage thanks to the ubiquity of social media. Iranian news service Raja News published photos of the accused and demanded public cooperation in the detaining of them. The Iran Defence Ministry sent out a charming text message to all Iranians with a phone:
“Dear citizen, according to received information, you have been influenced by the destabilizing propaganda which the media affiliated with foreign countries have been disseminating. In case of any illegal action and contact with the foreign media, you will be charged as a criminal consistent with the Islamic Punishment Act and dealt with by the Judiciary."
So the premise is that the internet can just as easily be used to control publics as publics can use it to find freedom. And if the internet is such a powerful Trojan horse for freedom, the oppressive regimes of Iran and China should fear such a force. Quite the contrary, it would appear. But just how much influence can these regimes impart? I suspect it’s not quite as much as Morozov would like to think and his tendency for needless repetition bolstered by a myriad of, often unnecessary, citations from secondary sources makes the book feel didactic in parts and less prescient.
Morozov largely disparaging view of the ‘youth of today’ as ‘depoliticised’ seems out of touch and unfair. John Preston of The Daily Telegraph notes that the recent student protests in Britain proves there is still some political passion amongst us. Not to mention Clay Shirky’s example of hundreds of thousands of South Korean teenagers protesting for weeks over their government’s decision to reopen beef trade channels with the US, following a bout of mad cow disease. The protests were almost entirely organised via social media, and when the government turned to police brutality to break up the protests, videos of such atrocities were uploaded to YouTube, putting further pressure on the country leaders. Ultimately, the government were forced to act, bringing in tighter regulations of beef imports in line with the people’s demands. The democracy spoke and the democracy was heard.
The ongoing Egyptian riots, largely organised through social media is another example of a disillusioned public having their say on matters that greatly affect them. Granted, people or governments will always try an impart some control but it seems like a pretty good compromise to me if so many voices of the oppressed can be heard, enough to inspire phrases such as the ‘Twitter Revolution’. Enough to provoke global awareness. Enough to empower people to believe they are a vital cog in the machine destined to democratise the globe. Call me a naïve cyber-utopian. I call Morozov a cynical cyber-dystopian. We’re probably both wrong.
The Net Delusion is a brilliant read, full of insight and thought-provoking ideas. Whatever your opinion, Morozov produces reams of evidence to support his conjectures and has written a book that will see him marked as one of the most influential authorities on the subject. In my opinion he lacks some refinement and breadth in his work. If "cyber-utopians" are short-sightedly optimistic about the political power and consequences of the internet, then Morozov himself might be unfairly pessimistic about the people that use it.